Saturday, April 26, 2014

America's Broken Health Care System: The Role of Drug, Device Manufacturers - Forbes

Robert Pearl, M.D.
Contributor

Pharma & Healthcare   

Article link: http://www.forbes.com/sites/robertpearl/2014/04/24/americas-broken-health-care-system-the-role-of-drug-device-manufacturers/

Health care costs are dramatically higher in the U.S. than in the rest of the world. Yet our health care outcomes – from life expectancy to infant mortality – are average at best. There is little dispute over these facts.

The real debate comes when we ask why. While there isn’t one single answer, the rapidly rising cost of drugs and medical devices is a significant factor.

And the magnitude of this problem is likely to spike in the future if not properly addressed.
Pharmaceutical and medical device manufacturers have been criticized for their role in health care for over a decade. Little has changed. Americans pay significantly more for prescription drugs and medical devices than patients in the rest of the world.

The justifications for these extraordinarily high prices vary, but the industry is well aware that most patients have no choice but to pay whatever they charge.

English: American currency (bills and coins in...
The rising cost of American health care has close ties to the rapidly rising cost of prescription drugs and medical devices. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

Pricing Not Always Justified, Even For Better Products
Pharmaceutical pricing has long been a point of contention among manufacturers, patients and payers of health care (including insurers, employers and unions).
The U.S. drug patent system allows a drug discoverer to exclusively sell the new drug for an extended time period. Theoretically, this protection is designed to encourage new medical discoveries and enable a drug or device company to recoup its R&D investment.

Because the theory makes sense, drug manufacturers use it to defend their prices. Certainly, those higher prices could be justified for developing clinically superior products but, all too often, the added cost far exceeds the incremental benefit.

How does drug pricing work? It’s hard to say. Pharmaceutical pricing is opaque. Drug manufacturers aren’t asked to quantify their costs or compare them to projected sales and profits. Business school students learn that the price of a product isn’t determined by what’s reasonable but what the market will bear. A wide array of drug pricing examples would indicate that pharmaceutical and medical device companies hire a lot of business school graduates.

How One Drug Might Earn Its Maker A 2,500% ROI

Take sofosbuvir, a new drug used to treat Hepatitis C. It’s marketed as Sovaldi by Gilead Sciences.
As a more effective treatment of Hepatitis C than those available today, this drug will be a positive addition to the physician’s armamentarium. Its effectiveness at ridding the body of this virus justifies a higher price than the treatments available today.

But at $1000 a pill, its pricing is exorbitant, monopolistic, and disrespectful to the purchasers and patients who will bear the brunt of the massive cost.

It is estimated that total treatment costs will range from $84,000 to $200,000 per patient, depending on treatment length. That’s 10 to 20 times the cost of today’s approach. Is this a reasonable return for the company?
Drugs this expensive are typically produced for those with rare conditions. These “orphan drugs” should cost more per patient because of the limited treatment population. But Hepatitis C is a very common disease. It affects nearly 4 million Americans, according to the American Liver Foundation. So, this can’t be the reason.

High development costs are another oft-cited explanation for extremely high drug pricing. Typically, manufacturers don’t disclose exact R&D costs but Gilead is reported to have paid $11 billion for Pharmasset, the drug company that developed the medication that led to Sovaldi. From this purchase price, we can estimate the R&D costs of this drug.

At Sovaldi’s price-point, Gilead is estimated to recoup its total investment in less than 18 months with revenue estimates of $269 billion over the drug’s lifespan.

That would be a 2,500 percent return on investment.

Manufacturers of luxury cars or yachts can rightfully charge wherever they choose, but when patients in need have no alternative option, that’s just wrong. Interestingly, two other drugs with similar therapeutic responses will be available in the near future. It will be fascinating to see how they’re priced.

Compounding the high price of many medications is the reality that patients in others countries don’t pay nearly as much as those in the United States. The reason is that most governments across the globe regulate drug prices. To date, the U.S. Congress has prohibited the practice here.

The result is that drug sales in the U.S. subsidize a disproportionate share of a drug company’s research costs and contribute to much of the company’s margin, regardless of where in the world it is headquartered. If we want our businesses to be globally competitive, this needs to change.

Aggressive Advertising Gives Manufacturers An Edge

Clinically superior products may very well warrant incrementally higher prices. But what of the increasing prices for products that don’t add much value?
Let’s compare the laparoscope to the prostate robot. First, the laparoscope.
In the past, removing a patient’s gallbladder required a large abdominal incision. Then along came a new technologically enhanced laparoscopic removal with remarkably better results. Suddenly, rather than making an incision under the entire right rib cage and cutting through the abdominal muscles, surgeons could remove the gallbladder with two tiny punctures and a telescope-like device.

Before, the surgeon would have to leave large rubber drains in place for several days to reduce the risk of infection. Average recovery times took up to six weeks. In contrast, gallbladder removal today is a routine, minimally invasive outpatient procedure that most people recuperate from in a week.
Laparoscopic surgery was a miracle advancement. Hardly the same story as the prostate surgery robot.

Mention “robot” to most patients and they’ll assume it’s a space-age advancement with major clinical benefits. It sounds sexy and, intuitively, its approach to prostate surgery makes sense. After all, the robot has steady hands and requires a smaller incision.

The problem is the outcome data doesn’t support the hype or the cost. The results – in terms of both cancer eradication and surgical complications – are similar to traditional alternatives, according to most studies. And for most surgeons, the robot-assisted procedure takes longer.

The price tag for this device is over $1 million, but that’s just the beginning. The company behind the robot designed it with disposable “arms” and built in an obsolescence factor that forces the hospital to replace each arm after 10 uses. The motivation isn’t safety. It’s profit. The manufacturer could have built a robot that could complete 100 procedures. But that would reduce profits dramatically.
If the robots add little clinical value yet significantly increase costs, why do so many hospitals tout them? The answer: Aggressive advertising.
By simultaneously marketing to consumers and hospitals, these devices were strategically positioned to help hospitals lure patients from their competitors. And, of course, it worked. Big billboards helped early adopting hospitals attract patients with the promise of a new “high-tech wonder.” Once a few hospitals jumped on board, others had no choice but to follow.

Since the robot’s introduction, academic medical centers (university hospitals) train their surgical residents almost exclusively in its use. Gone or going are the more traditional methods. Unless patient expectations change or expanded competition is permitted, this will ensure that the manufacturer sees a large revenue stream for decades to come.
The result: This device will drive up health care costs significantly in the future, while clinical outcomes remain relatively unchanged.

Minimally Different Drugs Launched At Maximum Prices  

Even when a new product is essentially the same as an old one, manufacturers use their patent protections and market control to drive up revenues. A great example is an injectable drug for a medical problem called “wet macular degeneration.”

Manufactured by Genentech, Avastin is an FDA-approved drug for cancer treatment. It slows the growth of new blood vessels that feed a tumor.

A while back, a thoughtful group of ophthalmologists recognized that if this drug could limit blood-vessel proliferation to stop tumor growth, it might also be useful in slowing the overgrowth of blood vessels inside the back of the eye – the cause of wet macular degeneration.

These physicians tried injecting a very small dose of Avastin at about $60 per treatment with excellent clinical results.

But here’s where it gets interesting. Genentech recognized the same opportunity at about the same time. And instead of recommending Avastin as an effective treatment, Genentech created Lucentis, a new drug with a biologically active component identical to Avastin.
Once Genentech received FDA approval, it priced Lucentis at $2,300 a dose, never showing that it was superior to Avastin at $60 a treatment.

Ophthalmologists across the country were outraged. Adding insult to injury, Genentech tried to embargo sales of Avastin for non-oncology practices. Not surprisingly, when the National Eye Institute tested Lucentis against Avastin, it found essentially no difference for a drug priced 40 times higher.

Change Is Possible, Not Easy

There are legitimate reasons why some drugs and devices are very expensive. But it’s common for manufacturers to hike up prices even when the magnitude of improvement is minimal.

If we’re serious as a nation about making health care more affordable while increasing quality outcomes, we’ll need to rein in these practices.

We can begin by demanding that drug companies disclose the true cost of development as part of the FDA approval process. Regulatory agencies could then use that information to evaluate the appropriateness of the price.

The FDA could also require all new agents and devices to be tested against existing approaches so that pricing and incremental value can be measured. Finally, we can make all of this information available and transparent to patients, so they can make the best decisions for themselves.

Health Care Is Different From Retail, Needs To Be Treated As Such

Outside of health care, people can choose whether to pay inflated prices for a patent-protected technology or minimally better products. But patients don’t have that same choice – at least not without facing potentially serious health consequences.

No doubt, patent protection for drugs and devices needs to protect the company and the investments it has made. But their economic gain must be balanced against a certain level of social responsibility. Unfortunately, that balance doesn’t exist today and change will be hard to accomplish in this current political environment.

Elected officials receive large campaign contributions from “Big Pharma,” preventing legislative change. Hospitals hype new technologies to attract more patients, even when the benefit is marginal and cost is exceedingly high. And at the first sign of resistance, drug companies spend millions on direct-to-patient advertising while continuing to wine and dine doctors (even with the implementation of the Sunshine Act, which is designed to prevent these practices).

However, there may be a flicker of hope. Recent public disclosures of new Hepatitis C medication prices have sparked national debate. Congressional leaders are starting to question drug manufacturers’ pricing schemes. And maybe this time, greed has exceeded reason. Maybe there will be regulatory backlash. But patients and employers will need to demand it.
Americans should understand that these exorbitant health care costs are not free. They come out of their paychecks and reduce the amount of public services the government can provide.
Our health care system is broken and – given the drug pipeline aimed at maximizing prices and profits – the problems will get worse if change doesn’t happen soon.

MIT Technology Review's 10 Breakthrough Technologies 2014

Article link: http://www.technologyreview.com/lists/technologies/2014/?utm_campaign=newsletters&utm_source=newsletter-daily-all&utm_medium=email&utm_content=20140424

Introduction

Technology news is full of incremental developments, but few of them are true milestones. Here we’re citing 10 that are. These advances from the past year all solve thorny problems or create powerful new ways of using technology. They are breakthroughs that will matter for years to come.
-The Editors


Monday, April 14, 2014

The American Dream Doesn’t Mean the Same Thing to White People And Minorities - The Smithsonian

While many see the American Dream including a home, not everybody thinks about that home the same way




Read more: http://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/american-dream-doesnt-mean-same-thing-white-people-and-minorities-180950501/#qvkLGDOvSWL4CoOY.99
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While many see the American Dream including a home, not everybody thinks about that home the same way


Read more: http://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/american-dream-doesnt-mean-same-thing-white-people-and-minorities-180950501/#qvkLGDOvSWL4CoOY.99
Give the gift of Smithsonian magazine for only $12! http://bit.ly/1cGUiGv
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The American Dream, as imagined by the post-WWII generation of lucky, prosperous Americans, meant, if nothing else, owning your own American home, for your perfect, nuclear American family. Despite the collapse of the housing market, this dream hasn't died. But recent research suggests that, when we talk about it, we’re not all talking about the same thing—that the meaning of that dream differs between white people and minorities.

A recent study by sociologist Meredith Greif found that home ownership is more meaningful to minorities, but the economic disadvantages they face can actually turn that dream into a nightmare. “Homeownership may be considered a double-edged sword,” Greif said in the press release. “For minorities, the highs of homeownership are higher while the lows are lower.”

Grief found that white people had far higher rates of home ownership than black or Latino people, and tended to live in more desirable neighborhoods, with higher property values and more services. But white people, she found, don’t value those homes as much as other groups. Especially when they were able to purchase a house in a more desirable neighborhood, the minorities in Grief’s study felt far more pride in that ownership than white respondents did.

But there was a flip side. Those minorities were also far less able to buy in those neighborhoods to begin with. Many of them bought homes in less desirable areas, and felt unable to move once they had purchased their home. Minorities had to put more of their net worth in each home, which made them more attuned and anxious about negative changes in their community, like graffiti or abandoned buildings. While an advantaged white family might simply move to a new home if they begin to dislike their neighborhood, minority home owners didn’t have the same luxury.

So while many see the American Dream including a home, not everybody is able to think about that home in the same way.

Read more: http://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/american-dream-doesnt-mean-same-thing-white-people-and-minorities-180950501/#qvkLGDOvSWL4CoOY.99

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The Next America - Pew Research Center

View The full Next America Presentation: http://www.pewresearch.org/next-america/
 
http://www.pewresearch.org/next-america/

Two Dramas in Slow Motion

Demographic transformations are dramas in slow motion. America is in the midst of two right now. Our population is becoming majority non-white at the same time a record share is going gray. Each of these shifts would by itself be the defining demographic story of its era. The fact that both are unfolding simultaneously has generated big generation gaps that will put stress on our politics, families, pocketbooks, entitlement programs and social cohesion.
 
 
The Next America , draws on this research to paint a data-rich portrait of the many ways our nation is changing and the challenges we face in the decades ahead.

Friday, April 4, 2014

County Health Rankings Key Findings 2014 - RWJF

Article link: http://www.rwjf.org/en/research-publications/find-rwjf-research/2014/03/county-health-rankings-key-findings-2014.html?cid=xtw_pubhealth

The County Health Rankings measure the health of nearly every county in the nation.

Published online at countyhealthrankings.org, the Rankings help counties understand what influences how healthy residents are and how long they live. 
A collaboration between the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and the University of Wisconsin Population Health Institute, theRankings look at a variety of measures that affect health, including high school graduation rates, access to healthy foods, smoking, obesity, and teen births. The Rankings are unique in their ability to measure the overall health of each county in all 50 states. 
This County Health Rankings Key Findings Report explores national and regional trends and offers an in-depth review of how five featured measures—children in poverty, college attendance, preventable hospital stays, smoking, and physical inactivity—influence health. 

Tuesday, April 1, 2014

When Big Data Marketing Becomes Stalking - Scientific American

Data brokers cannot be trusted to regulate themselves

digital shake down
Credit: Skip Sterling
Many of us now expect our online activities to be recorded and analyzed, but we assume that the physical spaces we inhabit are different. The data-broker industry does not see it that way. To it, even the act of walking down the street is a legitimate data set to be captured, catalogued and exploited. This slippage between the digital and physical matters not only because of privacy concerns—it also raises serious questions about ethics and power.

The Wall Street Journal recently published an article about Turnstyle, a company that has placed hundreds of sensors throughout businesses in downtown Toronto to gather signals from smartphones as they search for open Wi-Fi networks. The signals are used to uniquely identify phones as they move from street to street, cafĂ© to cinema, work to home. The owner of the phone need not connect to any Wi-Fi network to be tracked; the entire process occurs without the knowledge of most phone users. Turnstyle anonymizes the data and turns them into reports that it sells back to businesses to help them “understand the customer” and better tailor their offers.

Prominent voices in the public and private sectors are currently promoting boundless data collection as a way of minimizing threats and maximizing business opportunities. Yet this trend may have unpleasant consequences. Mike Seay, an OfficeMax customer, recently received a letter from the company that had the words “Daughter Killed in Car Crash” following his name. He had not shared this information with OfficeMax. The company stated that it was an error caused by a “mailing list rented through a third-party provider.”

Clearly, this was a mistake, but it was a revealing one. Why was OfficeMax harvesting details about the death of someone's child in the first place? What limits, if any, will businesses set with our data if this was deemed fair game? OfficeMax has not explained why it bought the mailing list or how much personal data it contains, but we know that third-party data brokers sell all manner of information to businesses—including, as Pam Dixon, executive director of the World Privacy Forum, testified before the U.S. Senate last December, “police officers' home addresses, rape sufferers..., genetic disease sufferers,” as well as suspected alcoholics and cancer and HIV/AIDS patients.

In the absence of regulation, there have been some attempts to generate an industry code of practice for location-technology companies. One proposal would have companies de-identify personal data, limit the amount of time they are retained, and prevent them from being used for employment, health care or insurance purposes. But the code would only require opt-out consent—that is, giving your details to a central Web site to indicate that you do not want to be tracked—when the information is “not personal.”

The trouble is, almost everything is personal. “Any information that distinguishes one person from another can be used for re-identifying anonymous data,” wrote computer scientists Arvind Narayanan, now at Princeton University, and Vitaly Shmatikov of the University of Texas at Austin in a 2010 article in Communications of the ACM. This includes anonymous reviews of products, search queries, anonymized cell-phone data and commercial transactions. The opt-out-via-our-Web-site model also compels customers to volunteer yet more information to marketers. And it is not clear that self-regulation will ever be sufficient. Most industry models of privacy assume that individuals should act like businesses, trading their information for the best price in a frictionless market where everyone understands how the technology works and the possible ramifications of sharing their data. But these models do not reflect the reality of the deeply unequal situation we now face. Those who wield the tools of data tracking and analytics have far more power than those who do not.
A narrow focus on individual responsibility is not enough: the problem is systemic. We are now faced with large-scale experiments on city streets in which people are in a state of forced participation, without any real ability to negotiate the terms and often without the knowledge that their data are being collected.

This article was originally published with the title "Big Data Stalking."

ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)
Kate Crawford is a principal researcher at Microsoft Research, a visiting professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology Center for Civic Media and a senior fellow at New York University's Information Law Institute.